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Whatever be the outcome of the Islamabad talks — and undeniably, these remain on highly fragile ground — Pakistan’s rearguard diplomacy to even get the US and Iran to come to the negotiating table cannot be credited enough, especially after US President Donald Trump’s threat to “wipe out a civilisation” that left the world teetering on the edge. When the world’s most powerful nations cannot speak to each other, they have often found a way to whisper — through Pakistan. It is a role Islamabad has quietly perfected over half a century: the trusted go-between, the carrier of messages that dare not travel openly, the host of conversations that officially never happened. Neither fully Western nor wholly Eastern, neither Arab nor Persian, Pakistan occupies a peculiar diplomatic sweet spot — and it has learned, with considerable skill, to make that ambiguity pay. The most celebrated example came in 1971, when General Yahya Khan’s government shepherded Henry Kissinger through Islamabad on a clandestine flight to Beijing, laying the groundwork for Nixon’s historic opening to China. It was a masterstroke of quiet statecraft — Pakistan asking no questions, seeking no credit, content with gratitude and goodwill from two of the world’s great powers simultaneously. That currency proved extraordinarily durable. The pattern repeated across the decades, in different registers and with varying degrees of success. During the Soviet-Afghan War, Pakistan was the indispensable frontline partner in the UN-brokered Geneva talks, coordinating mujahideen pressure and diplomatic suasion in equal measure until Moscow agreed to withdraw. The resulting accords were a genuine achievement. Between 2018 and 2020, Pakistan’s stubborn leverage over the Afghan Taliban made it central to the Doha Agreement, the deal that ended America’s longest war. In the chronic cold war between Riyadh and Tehran, Islamabad has positioned itself with particular care. It declined to join Saudi Arabia’s Yemen coalition in 2015, a decision that caused diplomatic friction but preserved Pakistan’s credibility in Tehran. It then used that credibility to quietly work the phones during successive spikes in Gulf tension offering itself as a de-escalation channel at moments when the alternative was an escalation nobody could afford. These were not headline-grabbing mediations. They were precisely the kind Pakistan does best: discreet and potentially invaluable. What makes Islamabad useful in these situations is that its relationships run in every direction simultaneously — a sometimes-fractious — but currently, close — partnership with Washington, inseparable ties with Tehran, economic dependency on the Gulf states, and an all-weather strategic alliance with Beijing. Where outside observers see a country pulled uncomfortably in competing directions, Islamabad sees leverage. The contradiction is the asset. It is worth noting who augments this diplomacy: the powerful military that sustains Pakistan’s backchannel relationships across administrations, elections, and crises. Now, in 2026, that same tradecraft is being applied to the most combustible dossier on the planet: the long-running stand-off between Washington and Tehran. Islamabad is hosting talks, passing proposals — including a reported 15-point American framework — co-ordinating with Turkiye, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, and China, and presenting itself, with characteristic understatement, as merely honoured to be of service to regional peace. Whether this episode yields a genuine breakthrough or dissolves into the familiar fog of stalled negotiations remains genuinely uncertain. But the instinct endures, and the infrastructure of relationships that makes it possible has never been dismantled. In a world that runs chronically short of honest brokers — of countries trusted, however provisionally, by parties who trust almost nobody else — Pakistan keeps raising its hand. In the right moment, that is no small thing to be.

There is a moment in the theatre of great power politics when the stage clears of the giants and a nimbler actor steps into the silence — and changes everything. That moment arrived late Tuesday night when Pakistan’s Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif posted a brief but seismic announcement: the United States and Iran had agreed to an immediate ceasefire. With those few words, Islamabad achieved what the United Nations, Nato, the European Union and every major world power had been unable to do — persuade two adversaries locked in the fury of open war to stop, breathe, and prepare to sit across a table from each other. It was a diplomatic coup of the first order, with the pregnant hope that it will restore order to a world cataclysmically shaken since February 28. When US President Donald Trump threatened “to unleash hell” on Iran failing a Tuesday night deadline, he did so in the language of annihilation — threatening to “wipe out a civilisation” — and leaving the world teetering on the edge of catastrophe. His rhetoric lit up every chancellery from Brussels to Beijing with alarm. Yet rhetoric, as history repeatedly demonstrates, is a trap as much as a weapon. Trump’s approval ratings have been sliding under the weight of a war proving far costlier in political and moral terms than his administration had calculated. He had locked himself into a corner with no elegant exit in sight. Pakistan quietly built that exit for him. Shehbaz Sharif’s appeal to Trump, posted on social media during the most charged hours of the crisis, was a model of calibrated statesmanship. He asked the American president to extend his deadline by two weeks, urged Iran to open the Strait of Hormuz as a goodwill gesture for a matching period, and called on all warring parties to observe a general ceasefire. The language was deferential without being supplicant; firm without being confrontational. It gave Trump precisely the political architecture he needed: a pathway to pause without the optics of retreat. Iran’s Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi confirmed the agreement and specifically thanked Pakistan’s leadership for its “tireless efforts” — a phrase that, in the careful grammar of diplomacy, carries enormous weight. What made Pakistan’s intervention possible was not improvisation but architecture — decades of painstaking relationship-building on multiple fronts simultaneously. Field Marshal Syed Asim Munir had been in direct touch with Trump about Iran for nearly a year, including at a White House lunch last June after which Trump remarked, pointedly, that Pakistani officials “know Iran very well, better than most.” That observation turned out to be the strategic seed of what bloomed into Tuesday night’s ceasefire. Pakistan’s knowledge of Iran is not merely diplomatic — it is geographical, historical, and civilisational. A 565-mile shared border, decades of proximity, and deep religious and cultural ties between communities on both sides give Islamabad a granular understanding of Iranian politics and psychology that no Western capital can replicate. Pakistan has effectively served as the representative of Iranian diplomatic interests in Washington for decades — the Islamic world’s equivalent of what Switzerland has long been for the United States in Tehran. This is not a role assumed overnight. It is earned through years of quiet, unglamorous, often thankless diplomatic labour. On the American side, Pakistan’s cultivation of the Trump administration since his re-election has been methodical and, to some observers, audacious — deals on crypto and critical minerals, a seat on Trump’s Board of Peace, a Nobel Peace Prize nomination, and the deep personal rapport between Trump and Field Marshal Munir, whom the president has called his “favourite field marshal,” having met at least three times over the past year. Michael Kugelman, senior fellow for South Asia at the Atlantic Council, captured it with characteristic precision: “Pakistan has been willing to engage in unconventional diplomatic tactics that score points in Washington.” Whatever the optics, the relationship was real when it mattered most. For Pakistan, said Kugelman, “it really is a large feather in the cap.” Top Indian defence analyst Pravin Sawhney, widely respected for the depth of his strategic insight, went further still, declaring that “Pakistan has emerged as more than a credible player — a geopolitical asset in the New World Order.” In his recent commentary, Sawhney argued with conviction that all three great powers — the United States, China and Russia — now actively seek strong ties with Islamabad. That is a geopolitical elevation of profound consequence. And yet Tuesday’s ceasefire carried within it the seeds of its own fragility — a framework, not yet a foundation. Pakistan knows this better than anyone. The complexity of its balancing act cannot be overstated. Saudi Arabia, with which Pakistan holds a formal Mutual Strategic Defence Agreement, carries profound and longstanding anxieties about Iranian power. At the same time, Pakistan could no more ignore Iran than it could ignore gravity. The 565-mile shared border, the intertwined Shia communities straddling both nations, and the deep civilisational bonds between Persian and South Asian Islamic culture create compulsions that go well beyond the cold calculations of realpolitik. It is in navigating precisely this impossible triangle that Pakistan’s diplomatic achievement becomes truly remarkable. Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar worked the phones across dozens of capitals. Field Marshal Munir concentrated on Washington. Sharif secured the backing of China — where Dar travelled last week to meet his counterpart Wang Yi — while acknowledging the essential roles of Saudi Arabia, Turkiye, Egypt and Qatar in sustaining the Islamabad process. This was multilateral peacemaking in the most literal and demanding sense: holding together a coalition of competing interests, sustaining momentum against constant headwinds of doubt, and never letting the enormity of the task become an excuse for inaction. The Strait of Hormuz, through which flows a critical share of the world’s oil and gas, cannot remain closed indefinitely. The mathematics of global energy supply will guarantee that. But there is an enormous difference between the Strait reopening under the cold pressure of military exhaustion and sanctions, and it reopening as the fruit of a peace agreement negotiated at a table in Islamabad. The latter would be more than a geopolitical milestone. Pakistan has earned this moment. The world should hope Islamabad is ready for what comes next. The writer is Deputy Managing Editor, Gulf Times.  

The economic shock from the Iran war is no longer hypothetical. What the United Nations Development Programme modelled as a four-week disruption has already been overtaken by events, with the conflict now stretching into a fifth week and signalling that the projected $120bn to $194bn loss in Arab economic output may prove conservative.  When UNDP released its assessment on 31 March, it warned that even a short, contained escalation would shrink regional GDP by 3.7 to 6.0%, erase up to 3.64mn jobs, raise unemployment by as much as four percentage points, and push between 3.05mn and 3.96mn people into poverty. That scenario assumed temporary trade disruption, limited infrastructure damage and manageable energy shocks. None of those conditions now hold. The conflict has since expanded geographically and operationally, with sustained exchanges involving Iran and spillovers across the Levant and Gulf. Strategic assets, including energy and petrochemical infrastructure, have come under repeated pressure, while rising tensions around the Strait of Hormuz, through which roughly a fifth of global oil flows, have heightened market volatility. These developments align closely with UNDP's most severe scenario, which anticipated extreme trade disruption and hydrocarbon supply shocks.  That assessment is borne out by the data. Iran's strike on Qatar's Ras Laffan natural gas terminal wiped out 17% of the country's LNG export capacity, with repairs expected to take up to five years, according to state-owned QatarEnergy. The blow extends well beyond Qatar's balance sheet. Gita Gopinath, the former chief economist at the International Monetary Fund, has written that global economic growth, expected before the war to reach 3.3% this year, could fall by 0.3 to 0.4 percentage points if oil prices average $85 a barrel through 2026. Carmen Reinhart, a former World Bank chief economist now at Harvard Kennedy School, has warned that the conflict is "raising the risk of higher inflation and lower growth," reviving uncomfortable parallels with the stagflationary oil shocks of the 1970s.Nowhere are the risks more concentrated than in the Gulf. UNDP had projected that the GCC economies, including Qatar, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, could see GDP contract by 5.2 to 8.5%, translating into losses of $103bn to $168bn. Oxford Economics has since downgraded aggregate GCC real GDP growth for 2026 by 4.6 percentage points from its pre-war forecast to minus 0.2%, reflecting reduced oil production, exports, tourism and domestic demand. Qatar, Kuwait, Bahrain and the UAE face the most severe downgrades, given their inability to reroute hydrocarbon exports, which means production will need to shut down once storage facilities reach capacity.  A Goldman Sachs economist forecast that if the war continues through the end of April it could shrink Gulf states’ GDP substantially. With energy infrastructure increasingly exposed and shipping routes under strain, the UNDP's upper-bound figures are now edging into view, if not beyond. The bloc could also lose up to 3.11mn jobs, with human development setbacks equivalent to one to two years of progress. In the Levant, where fragility was already entrenched, the impact is sharper still. GDP losses of up to 8.7% are now paired with a disproportionate surge in poverty, accounting for more than 75% of the region's projected increase in deprivation. The war's human toll, including displacement, disruption to education and healthcare, and damage to civilian systems, has compounded the economic shock, reinforcing UNDP's warning of a measurable decline in human development indicators. Inside Iran itself, the erosion is equally stark. UNDP estimates the country's human development index could fall by 0.47 to 0.56 percentage points, effectively wiping out one to one-and-a-half years of progress. With low-income households spending nearly 45% of their income on food, inflation and supply disruptions are rapidly translating into real hardship, particularly for informal workers and small businesses. The World Trade Organisation has said that if oil and gas prices remain elevated for the rest of the year, forecasted 2026 global GDP growth could be reduced by 0.3 per cent. Europe, as a heavy energy importer, could see growth fall by at least one percentage point below previous expectations. Beyond the immediate theatre, the fallout is rippling outward with particular severity through agricultural markets. The Gulf accounts for roughly a third of global urea exports and a quarter of ammonia, with up to 40% of world nitrogen fertiliser exports passing through the Strait of Hormuz. With that passage now blocked, urea prices are up 50% since the war began and ammonia prices have risen 20%. The downstream consequences for food security are acute. The countries of the Gulf region, home to more than 60mn people, are almost entirely import-dependent across staple food categories, meaning any sustained disruption to supply chains will rapidly translate into food shocks. Oxford Economics has modelled a scenario in which prolonged disruption tips the world into outright contraction, with world GDP falling in the middle of the year, calendar-year growth for 2026 slowing to 1.4% and global inflation reaching 7.7%, close to the 2022 peak. Unlike 2022, when the global economy continued to expand through the price shock, the severity of this disruption could tip the world into recession, which Oxford's analysts describe as the worst synchronised downturn in 40 years outside the pandemic and the global financial crisis. Taken together, these developments point to a fundamental shift in the nature of the crisis. What began as a geopolitical confrontation is now manifesting as a multi-layered development shock, affecting growth, employment, poverty and long-term human welfare simultaneously. The longer the conflict persists, the more it entrenches structural damage across interconnected systems, from energy markets to food security. UNDP's original warning was stark: even a brief war could reverse years of progress. Five weeks on, the trajectory suggests something deeper. The economic and human setback now under way is likely to exceed initial projections, with consequences that will endure well beyond the battlefield. 

In 1971, a specially arranged Pakistan International Airlines aircraft carried US National Security Adviser Henry Kissinger on a clandestine journey from Islamabad to Peking — an unpublicised flight that redrew the geometry of global power. That secret mission ultimately paved the way for President Richard Nixon’s historic visit to China, unlocking a realignment that defined the Cold War’s final decades.  More than half a century later, Pakistan again finds itself standing at a similar inflection point — this time in full public view. Its foreign minister, Ishaq Dar, retraced parts of that corridor to Beijing the other day amid a rapidly escalating conflict between the United States, Israel, and Iran that has disrupted global energy markets and strained great-power relations. The parallel is not just symbolic. It reflects a recurring structural reality: Pakistan’s unique ability — and perilous challenge — to act as a bridge in times of geopolitical fracture. Over the past week, Islamabad has quietly re-emerged as a convening point in the Middle East crisis. On March 29, Pakistan hosted a quadrilateral meeting of the foreign ministers of Saudi Arabia, Türkiye, and Egypt, marking a rare alignment among regional heavyweights. The meeting signalled not just concern over the war’s regional fallout but also a coordinated diplomatic push toward de-escalation. Following the talks, Dar revealed that both Washington and Tehran had expressed “confidence” in Pakistan’s capacity to facilitate engagement where both sides were prepared to consider “meaningful negotiations” hosted in Islamabad. The joint endorsement was unprecedented in recent Middle Eastern diplomacy, where mutual distrust has long blocked even indirect communication. “War benefits none,” Dar told reporters, stressing that “the unity of the Muslim world and the pursuit of peace through dialogue must take precedence over all else.” His statement followed consultations with visiting ministers who, discussed proposals to reopen the Strait of Hormuz, which Iran had effectively closed to shipping after US and Israeli strikes that began on February 28. Pakistan’s mediation credentials did not materialise overnight. They are rooted in precedent as much as proximity. From its secret facilitation of the US-China rapprochement in 1971 to its behind-the-scenes role during the US-Taliban negotiations in Doha five decades later, Islamabad has often served as a diplomatic bridge when formal pathways collapsed. Its geography — straddling South Asia, the Gulf, and Central Asia — gives Islamabad a natural vantage point. But geography alone does not guarantee influence. What has historically distinguished Pakistan is its ability to maintain working relations across ideological divides: deep strategic coordination with Beijing, a sometimes fragile but enduring relationship with Washington, pragmatic ties with Tehran, and strong security partnerships with Riyadh. Few capitals can claim that spread. Fewer still can exercise it amid simultaneous crises. The next step in Pakistan’s evolving role came two days later in Beijing. Dar’s one-day visit at the invitation of Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi culminated in the joint release of a five-point initiative for restoring peace and stability in the Gulf and Middle East. The plan called for an immediate ceasefire, a halt to attacks on civilians and critical infrastructure — including energy, desalination, and power facilities — and the reopening of the Strait of Hormuz to secure global energy supply lines. “The sovereignty, territorial integrity, and security of Iran and other Gulf states must be safeguarded,” the joint statement said. “Dialogue and diplomacy remain the only viable means to resolve disputes.” Wang Yi praised Pakistan’s “untiring efforts and mediation diplomacy,” emphasising that restoring freedom of navigation through Hormuz was not simply a matter of regional security but of global economic survival. He described the initiative as part of a growing “China-Pakistan community with a shared future,” hinting at a long-term alignment between Beijing’s economic imperatives and Islamabad’s regional influence. For China, whose economy depends heavily on Iranian crude imports and whose Belt and Road energy corridors traverse Pakistan, stable shipping routes are non negotiable. The inclusion of Hormuz in the framework’s language reflects that urgency. The underlying calculus is not only geopolitical — it is deeply economic. China’s dependence on Iranian oil, coupled with its dominance in rare earth processing, intersects with American vulnerabilities in supply chains crucial to defence, semiconductor production, and clean energy transition. A prolonged blockade of Hormuz threatens to derail both energy security and inflation control in Western economies, intensifying US pressure to find an off ramp. For Islamabad, this emerging energy security matrix provides both opportunity and risk. The ability to convey a US origin fifteen point ceasefire proposal to Tehran underscores Pakistan’s usefulness to both Washington and Beijing. Yet it also places the country in a cross current, balancing between competing strategic priorities while trying to avoid being turned into an instrument of either. Diplomatic signals suggest that time is increasingly scarce with military posturing continuing in the Gulf. Against this backdrop, Pakistan’s proposal for confidence building measures — including monitored energy shipments and humanitarian corridors — seeks to slow a slide toward full scale confrontation. But success depends on sequencing: trust must precede negotiation, and yet delays heighten the risk of irreversible escalation. That delicate balance is why both Beijing and Islamabad are pressing for early engagement, citing the symbolic power of initiating a ceasefire. “Every hour lost brings new dangers,” Dar reportedly told Wang Yi, according to diplomatic notes. “Peace is still possible — but the clock is ticking.” The historical echo is unmistakable. In 1971, Pakistan’s facilitation produced the Nixon Mao handshake — an act of creative diplomacy that redefined global power alignments for half a century. Today, Islamabad’s task is not to enable a rapprochement between two superpowers but to stabilise a multi actor conflict threatening vital global trade arteries. Whether this latest initiative succeeds may ultimately matter less than the fact that Pakistan is again attempting to operate within this narrow corridor of opportunity. The distinction between a facilitator and a true mediator will hinge on whether Islamabad can influence outcomes rather than merely transmit messages. Still, the optics alone are significant. A nuclear armed state of 240mn people, situated at the crossroads of Asia and the Middle East, is once again demonstrating its capacity to shape diplomatic currents far beyond its borders. It is a reminder of continuity: how Pakistan’s geography, its alliances, and its persistent diplomatic instinct to mediate place it at recurring pivot points of history. As the Gulf crisis deepens, Islamabad’s challenge is to transform that position from symbolic to substantive — to convert access into agency, communication into consensus. The writer is Deputy Managing Editor 

Qatar has chosen an unlikely moment to make one of its boldest economic moves. As regional tensions reshape trade routes, disrupt supply chains, and test the resilience of Gulf economies, it has announced more than 188 projects targeting $100bn in foreign direct investment by 2030 — a deliberate and defiant signal that it intends to accelerate, not retreat. The sectors in play are telling: logistics, advanced manufacturing, technology, energy services, digital infrastructure, and education — all pillars of a diversification strategy that goes well beyond the country's hydrocarbon base. The timing is not coincidental. The current geopolitical environment has thrown into sharp relief the importance of economic resilience, and Qatar — backed by deep sovereign reserves, a well-defined regulatory framework, and a tradition of long-term strategic planning — finds itself in a stronger position than most to absorb external shocks while pressing ahead with structural reform. For international businesses watching events in the region unfold, the question is increasingly not whether Qatar remains an attractive destination, but whether the window to move first is beginning to close. To unpack what this investment drive means for both incoming and domestic businesses, Gulf Times spoke with Neil Wilson, Managing Director of Sovereign PPG Qatar, one of the region's leading business advisory and corporate services firms. Excerpts from the interview: Qatar's announcement of over 188 projects targeting $100bn in foreign investment by 2030 is a significant milestone. In your view, what does this signal about Qatar's broader economic vision, and which sectors do you see emerging as the most exciting growth opportunities for both local and international businesses? This announcement sends a very clear message. At a time when many economies are becoming more cautious, Qatar is signalling that it intends to stay on the front foot, doubling down on diversification even as the regional backdrop becomes more complex. What’s particularly notable is that this is not just about scale, but direction. These projects are clearly aligned with long-term structural priorities: logistics, advanced manufacturing, technology, energy services, and knowledge-based sectors. There is also a continued push into areas such as education, digital infrastructure, and professional services. At the same time, the current geopolitical environment has highlighted the importance of resilience, particularly around energy infrastructure and supply chains. In that sense, these 188 projects are not just growth initiatives; they are part of a broader strategy to diversify and future-proof the economy. Despite uncertainties in the wider region, Qatar has responded with remarkable confidence and clarity of direction. What is it about Qatar's governance model and financial foundations that allows it to stay focused on growth even when the environment around it is turbulent? Qatar’s resilience is rooted in a combination of strong state capacity, financial depth, and clear policy direction. The country has built significant fiscal buffers over time, including substantial sovereign reserves, which allow it to absorb shocks and continue investing even during periods of external volatility. While no market is entirely insulated from regional dynamics, Qatar’s ability to respond quickly and strategically is a defining strength. Recent developments across the region have underscored the importance of preparedness, particularly around energy and trade routes. Qatar’s strength lies in its ability to adjust without losing momentum – maintaining long-term investment plans while managing short-term pressures. That balance between stability and adaptability continues to underpin its growth trajectory. For international companies evaluating where to plant their flag in the Gulf, what makes Qatar stand out as the destination of choice right now, and how are initiatives like these 188 projects making the entry process more straightforward and attractive for incoming investors? Right now, investors are weighing two competing realities: risk and resilience. The region is facing heightened geopolitical uncertainty, and that inevitably shapes perception, logistics, and operational planning. Within that context, Qatar continues to offer a relatively high degree of clarity. The regulatory environment is well defined, foreign ownership frameworks are supportive, and there is a clear pipeline of government-backed opportunities. That sense of certainty – underpinned by strong fiscal reserves and consistent policy direction – is increasingly valuable in the current global environment. The announcement of these projects is especially important because it reduces ambiguity. It gives investors visibility on where capital is being deployed and where partnerships are encouraged. That level of structure helps streamline market entry and supports more confident decision-making. With civil service, schools, and the private sector all returning to full operation, how quickly is business confidence being restored on the ground, and what kinds of opportunities are domestic businesses best positioned to seize as this next phase of growth unfolds? There is a clear and accelerating rebound in day-to-day activity. As institutions return to full operation, we are seeing projects resume, pipelines rebuild, and a broader sense of momentum re-emerge across the market. That said, the recovery is not entirely uniform. Certain sectors, particularly those tied to global trade, aviation, and energy, continue to navigate disruption. At the same time, logistical pressures, including longer delivery times and rising costs, are introducing some near-term complexity into planning cycles. Even so, the overall trajectory remains firmly positive. Non-energy sectors are expanding, supported by sustained investment and regulatory progress, and business sentiment remains resilient. For domestic businesses, the opportunity lies in agility – supporting large-scale projects, adapting to evolving supply chains, and aligning closely with national development priorities. You've described this as a moment for businesses to act with confidence. For companies that are still on the fence about entering or expanding in Qatar, what would your message be, and how is Sovereign PPG helping businesses make the most of this pivotal moment? Confidence today needs to be informed, not blind. The operating environment is more complex than it was a month ago, and businesses need to plan with that in mind.But moments like this often define market leaders. Qatar is continuing to invest, open up opportunities, and provide a stable platform relative to the wider region. For companies with a long-term perspective, the fundamentals remain compelling. The key is preparation - having the right structure, the right partnerships, and a clear strategy for both growth and resilience from day one. At Sovereign PPG, we work closely with both international investors and domestic businesses to support that process, whether it’s market entry, regulatory alignment, or scaling operations in a fast-moving environment. In many cases, the question is not whether to enter the market, but how quickly businesses can position themselves to benefit. 

When Iranian missiles began striking Qatar in the early hours of March 1, the country faced one of the most profound tests in its modern history. The irony was bitter: Qatar had spent years building diplomatic bridges between Tehran and the West, only to find itself targeted within an hour of the war's outbreak. Yet rather than be consumed by anger, Doha made a deliberate and consistent choice — to keep talking, keep the shelves stocked, and keep its people calm. Betrayal that did not break resolveHis Excellency Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs Sheikh Mohammed bin Abdulrahman bin Jassim al-Thani did not mince words in an interview with Sky News. "It is a big sense of betrayal," he said. "Just an hour after the start of the war, Qatar and other Gulf countries were attacked — we made clear that we were not going to take part in any wars against our neighbours."And yet, in the same breath, he made clear that betrayal would not alter Qatar's fundamental posture. The crisis could not be resolved through further military escalation, he stressed: "We continue to seek de-escalation. They are our neighbours — it's our destiny."That posture has been consistent throughout. Qatar had played a leading role in the negotiations and joined GCC nations in pushing hard for a diplomatic solution before the war began. When those efforts failed, its diplomatic machinery shifted into higher gear rather than standing down. The prime minister chaired the Qatari delegation at a joint GCC-European Union video summit to discuss pathways back to dialogue, while Qatar received dozens of calls from world leaders expressing solidarity.His Excellency Minister of State for Foreign Affairs Mohammed bin Abdulaziz al-Khulaifi, speaking to Al Jazeera, urged both Iran and the United States to return to the negotiating table, pointing out that Iran's attacks on its neighbours brought "benefit for no-one." His most pointed observation: Iran had struck the very countries — Qatar and Oman — that had served as its bridges to the West. "We will not be able to fulfil that role under attack, and that's something the Iranians need to understand."Advisor to the Prime Minister and Ministry of Foreign Affairs spokesperson Dr Majed al-Ansari reinforced the message, recalling that Doha had warned for years that uncontrolled escalation would end disastrously, and that it was still not too late for dialogue to contain the damage. Defending the skies, protecting the streetsWhile diplomats worked the phones, the Qatar Amiri Air Force worked the skies. The Ministry of Defence reported shooting down two Iranian Su-24 bombers on March 2 and intercepting multiple drone and missile strikes ever since. The country was under attack but not overwhelmed — a testament to years of defence investment and the readiness built through the national Watan exercise, which the interior minister credits with preparing Qatar for precisely this contingency. "Qatar is operating with a unified front," he said. "No department is working in isolation."On the ground, the Ministry of Interior became the primary voice of reassurance — visible, consistent and precise. It confirmed that the National Warning System would only be activated when urgent action was genuinely required, a deliberate policy to prevent alert fatigue and unnecessary panic.Environmental monitoring confirmed that air and marine pollution levels remained stable throughout. Practical public guidance was issued and regularly updated: upon hearing a national warning, residents were advised to move inside, stay away from windows and glass facades, await official instructions and report any unknown objects or remnants by calling 999. Residents evacuated from specified areas were provided safe alternative accommodation.Crucially, citizens and residents responded. Social media feeds showed widespread sharing of official Ministry of Interior posts, with community leaders and expatriate groups actively amplifying only verified official communications — a collective act that helped contain the spread of misinformation at a moment when false information was circulating aggressively. Keeping the country fedPerhaps the most consequential domestic challenge was ensuring supplies. The government moved quickly and on multiple fronts.Qatar Airways repurposed part of its Boeing 777 freighter fleet to maintain the flow of vital goods, transporting approximately 300 tons of essential supplies since the start of March — medicines, baby milk, fresh food and medical equipment — after obtaining civil aviation authority approval for limited safe air routes. The airline is now delivering more than 200 tons of imports daily from markets across Africa, Asia, Australia, Europe, India and Pakistan.On the ground, major hypermarket chains including LuLu, Al Meera, Monoprix, Safari and Carrefour continued operating at full capacity with well-stocked shelves. The Ministry of Commerce and Industry extended 24-hour operations to 33 retail branches nationwide to support market stability and deployed daily field inspection teams to prevent price manipulation.Qatar Chamber Chairman Sheikh Khalifa bin Jassim al-Thani formed a dedicated working team holding continuous meetings to address emerging supply challenges, backed by a joint government-Chamber committee to monitor prices and clamp down on any unjustified increases.Underpinning all of this was Qatar's long-term strategic reserve of food and essential goods — a foresight investment that has proved its worth. Domestic self-sufficiency in dairy, poultry and key agricultural products further cushioned the disruption.A nation defined by its responseWhat has emerged over the past two weeks is a portrait of a state under genuine threat that has refused to be defined by that threat. Qatar did not choose this war. It warned against it, lobbied against it and mediated against it.Qatar's UN Ambassador Her Excellency Sheikha Alya Ahmed bin Saif al-Thani told the Security Council that targeting uninvolved neighbours was a clear violation of international law — a position the UNSC ultimately endorsed by voting to denounce the Iranian strikes on GCC states.The prime minister, reflecting on the weeks just passed, praised the resilience of everyone living in Qatar and spoke of the "significance of the moment our country is going through", before adding: "I cannot fail to express my pride, as a Qatari, in the cohesion of our society."For a country that has navigated a blockade, regional rivalries and now outright missile attacks, that cohesion — between government and governed, between citizen and resident — may prove to be Qatar's most enduring strategic asset. 

The much anticipated Web Summit Qatar 2026 rolls into action at the sprawling Doha Exhibition and Convention Centre (DECC) here Sunday.A surge of global excitement has catapulted it to a complete sell‑out, after news broke that Issam Hijazi, the Palestinian technologist behind the viral social‑media sensation Upscrolled, will open the region’s largest-ever tech gathering.Within hours of the announcement, ticket sales spiked around the world, pushing attendance beyond 30,000 delegates — turning this year’s edition into a landmark for both the summit and Qatar’s fast‑rising innovation ecosystem.Organisers confirmed that Web Summit Qatar has shattered every previous record, drawing founders, investors, creators, and policymakers from 124 countries, alongside an army of journalists, content creators, and global tech brands. More than 1,600 startups and 900 investors will crowd the halls of the Doha Exhibition and Convention Centre (DECC) over four packed days, supported by partners such as IBM, Microsoft, Huawei, and Qatar Airways. For officials, the sell‑out moment signals more than just popularity — it reflects Qatar’s transformation into a global nexus for technology and entrepreneurship.The exhibition floor, which sold out earlier in the year, features participation from major global and regional companies across technology, aviation, finance and telecommunications, underscoring Doha’s growing appeal as a meeting point for capital, talent and ideas.At the centre of the frenzy is Hijazi, the Palestinian‑Jordanian‑Australian founder of Upscrolled, whose app has become a global sensation for challenging the dominance of Big Tech. Promising a social platform that rejects the algorithmic manipulation, clickbait, and shadow‑banning of traditional networks, Upscrolled last week became the No. 1 free app on both the Apple App Store and Google Play, racking up more than one million active users in just days. The sudden fame — intensified by viral debates over censorship and content moderation — has turned Hijazi into an unlikely celebrity for a generation of digital creators craving transparency.Sunday’s opening marks Hijazi’s first public appearance since the app’s meteoric rise. His speech is among the most anticipated sessions in the summit’s history, with organisers expecting standing‑room‑only crowds and millions more following online. “Issam Hijazi embodies the kind of daring, independent innovation this summit was designed to celebrate,” said an organiser. “His presence has united the tech community’s excitement in a way we’ve rarely seen.”Alongside Hijazi’s headline moment, the summit’s main stage will feature an all‑star lineup including His Excellency Sheikh Mohammed bin Abdulrahman bin Jassim bin Mohammed al-ThaniPrime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs; Her Highness Sheikha Moza bint Nasser, Chairperson of Qatar Foundation; Her Excellency Sheikha Al Mayassa bint Hamad al-Thani, Chairperson Qatar Museums; Eduardo Saverin, Yanis Varoufakis, Colin Kaepernick, Larry Li, and creator Abir El‑Saghir, exploring everything from artificial intelligence ethics to digital creativity, startup culture, and social impact.Last year’s Web Summit Qatar edition generated an estimated QR807mn in economic returns, according to consulting firm Silverlode, with visitor spending driving over 66,000 hotel nights and 19,000 airline bookings. This year’s figures are expected to surge even higher, as the sold‑out summit injects new momentum into Doha’s hospitality, aviation, and investment sectors.Officials, including Sheikh Jassim bin Mansour bin Jabor al- Thani, Director of the Government Communications Office and Chairman of the organising committee, have described the event as “a cornerstone of Qatar’s vision to diversify its economy beyond hydrocarbons” under Qatar National Vision 2030. 

DOHA: In a conference room in Doha – a city now as familiar with ceasefire documents as with energy contracts – representatives of the Colombian government and the country’s most powerful armed group have signed what they are calling a ‘Commitment to Peace’. For Qatar, it is another marker in an increasingly crowded portfolio: a Gulf state turning itself into a consistent peace broker in conflicts thousands of miles away.The agreement, announced by Qatar’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, was reached after two rounds of talks in Doha between Colombia and the self-designated Ejército Gaitanista de Colombia (EGC), better known as the Clan del Golfo or AGC. HE the Minister of State for Foreign Affairs Dr Mohammed bin Abdulaziz al-Khulaifi presided over the signing, flanked by senior envoys from Norway, Spain and Switzerland – a quartet styling itself the “Group of Facilitating States”.On paper, the commitment is cautious but far from cosmetic. The text, as described by Qatar and the mediators, binds both sides to alleviating civilian suffering, ending armed confrontation and laying the groundwork for “sustainable peace”. It explicitly links peace to the dismantling of the AGC’s criminal economy with a view to reintegrate child soldiers into Colombian society.From Colombia’s perspective, the stakes are obvious. The AGC emerged as the country’s dominant illegal armed group in the vacuum left by the demobilisation of Farc in 2016 and is estimated to command several thousand fighters. It straddles the line between paramilitary force and drug cartel, controlling trafficking routes, mining areas and entire communities.For President Gustavo Petro, who came to office in 2022 promising “total peace” with guerrillas and criminal organisations alike, getting the AGC to the table at all is an achievement; securing a signed roadmap for demobilisation is something more.Beginning March 1, 2026, AGC combatants are to gradually assemble in three defined “concentration areas” – two in the conflict-scarred Pacific department of Chocó and a third in neighbouring Córdoba. Ten additional municipalities will be folded into pilot peace programmes, on top of five already announced in September. While fighters gather, arrest and extradition orders against them will be suspended – an amnesty-adjacent concession is often the uncomfortable price of getting guns off the table.That this architecture has been built not in Bogotá, Oslo or Geneva but in Doha is no accident. For years, Qatar has positioned itself as a convening power for conflicts that have exhausted more traditional venues. Its foreign ministry notes that the first round of talks with the Gaitanista Army, held in mid-September at Colombia’s request, was designed around phased confidence-building: protecting human dignity, respecting human rights and including affected communities in the process.Put simply, Colombia has joined a growing list of states – from Afghanistan and Sudan to the Democratic Republic of Congo – that see Qatar as a useful, neutral broker with the resources, patience and diplomatic muscle to host long, grinding negotiations that might or might not succeed.The facilitators’ joint statement is careful to frame the commitment not as a reward, but as a step towards demobilisation, civilian protection and the eventual return of state authority. It stresses that implementation will demand “discipline, transparency and trust” – and pointedly warns that there will be “many hurdles and challenges to overcome”.For Qatar, those hurdles are familiar. Its mediators have watched more than one painstakingly constructed arrangement wobble under the weight of local spoilers, shifting political winds or simple bad faith. But the deeper logic of its foreign policy remains remarkably consistent: conflict resolution as statecraft. By repeatedly inserting itself at the hinge points of far-away wars and peace processes, Doha accumulates something that cannot be bought on energy markets: strategic relevance.The “Commitment to Peace” signed in Doha will not, by itself, end one of Latin America’s most resilient armed structures. But it does underline a quieter truth: when governments and gunmen go looking for a table at which to talk, they are increasingly finding it in Qatar. 

In a conference room in Doha – a city now as familiar with ceasefire documents as with energy contracts – representatives of the Colombian government and the country’s most powerful armed group have signed what they are calling a ‘Commitment to Peace’. For Qatar, it is another marker in an increasingly crowded portfolio: a Gulf state turning itself into a consistent peace broker in conflicts thousands of miles away. The agreement, announced by Qatar’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, was reached after two rounds of talks in Doha between Colombia and the self-designated Ejército Gaitanista de Colombia (EGC), better known as the Clan del Golfo or AGC. His Excellency Minister of State for Foreign Affairs Dr Mohammed bin Abdulaziz al-Khulaifi presided over the signing, flanked by senior envoys from Norway, Spain and Switzerland – a quartet styling itself the “Group of Facilitating States”. On paper, the commitment is cautious but far from cosmetic. The text, as described by Qatar and the mediators, binds both sides to alleviating civilian suffering, ending armed confrontation and laying the groundwork for “sustainable peace”. It explicitly links peace to the dismantling of the AGC’s criminal economy with a view to reintegrate child soldiers into Colombian society. From Colombia’s perspective, the stakes are obvious. The AGC emerged as the country’s dominant illegal armed group in the vacuum left by the demobilisation of FARC in 2016 and is estimated to command several thousand fighters. It straddles the line between paramilitary force and drug cartel, controlling trafficking routes, mining areas and entire communities. For President Gustavo Petro, who came to office in 2022 promising “total peace” with guerrillas and criminal organisations alike, getting the AGC to the table at all is an achievement; securing a signed roadmap for demobilisation is something more. Beginning March 1, 2026, AGC combatants are to gradually assemble in three defined “concentration areas” – two in the conflict-scarred Pacific department of Chocó and a third in neighbouring Córdoba. Ten additional municipalities will be folded into pilot peace programmes, on top of five already announced in September. While fighters gather, arrest and extradition orders against them will be suspended – an amnesty-adjacent concession is often the uncomfortable price of getting guns off the table. That this architecture has been built not in Bogotá, Oslo or Geneva but in Doha is no accident. For years, Qatar has positioned itself as a convening power for conflicts that have exhausted more traditional venues. Its foreign ministry notes that the first round of talks with the Gaitanista Army, held in mid-September at Colombia’s request, was designed around phased confidence-building: protecting human dignity, respecting human rights and including affected communities in the process. Put simply, Colombia has joined a growing list of states – from Afghanistan and Sudan to the Democratic Republic of Congo – that see Qatar as a useful, neutral broker with the resources, patience and diplomatic muscle to host long, grinding negotiations that might or might not succeed. The facilitators’ joint statement is careful to frame the commitment not as a reward, but as a step towards demobilisation, civilian protection and the eventual return of state authority. It stresses that implementation will demand “discipline, transparency and trust” – and pointedly warns that there will be “many hurdles and challenges to overcome”. For Qatar, those hurdles are familiar. Its mediators have watched more than one painstakingly constructed arrangement wobble under the weight of local spoilers, shifting political winds or simple bad faith. But the deeper logic of its foreign policy remains remarkably consistent: conflict resolution as statecraft. By repeatedly inserting itself at the hinge points of far-away wars and peace processes, Doha accumulates something that cannot be bought on energy markets: strategic relevance. The “Commitment to Peace” signed in Doha will not, by itself, end one of Latin America’s most resilient armed structures. But it does underline a quieter truth: when governments and gunmen go looking for a table at which to talk, they are increasingly finding it in Qatar.  

In a region littered with broken ceasefires, weaponised rhetoric and leaders who speak more often of red lines than reconciliation, Qatar has emerged as the Gulf’s most reliable broker of peace.The Manama Summit’s communique did more than acknowledge Doha’s diplomatic finesse. It read as an unmistakable affirmation that, while larger states trade threats, it is Qatar that repeatedly threads its way between warring parties, stitching together the fragile seams of dialogue where others find only dead ends.  The GCC leaders explicitly praised Qatar’s “pivotal role... with regional and international parties and guarantor states”; “efforts to achieve a ceasefire in Gaza and secure the release of hostages and detainees”; and ability to “complete negotiations and solidify the agreement”, enabling the first step toward a just peace.  The timing could hardly be more telling. Barely three months have passed since Israel launched a provocative attack on Qatari territory — an assault on sovereignty that, for most governments, would have triggered retaliatory escalation. Yet Doha did the opposite. Instead of being drawn into the vortex of confrontation, it doubled down on diplomacy, working shoulder to shoulder with Egypt, Turkiye and the United States to pull Gaza back from an abyss.  The result was the closest the region has come to a meaningful ceasefire in years and the release of hostages whose plight had become the war’s most painful symbol.This, in essence, is why the world increasingly turns to Qatar when the guns refuse to fall silent. Its mediation is not episodic but systemic; not opportunistic but deeply principled.  Its diplomats, often working behind closed doors, understand that peace is rarely achieved through grandstanding. It is achieved in the quiet room, over long nights, when adversaries need an honest broker who neither flatters nor humiliates.  Consider the breadth of Qatar’s mediation portfolio.Take Central Africa: in November, Doha hosted the signing of the Doha Framework Agreement for Peace between the Democratic Republic of Congo and the M23 Movement, a breakthrough that few believed possible.  That deal did not materialise from thin air; it sat atop months of negotiation following the Doha Declaration of Principles earlier in the year. In a conflict defined by deep mistrust, Qatar managed to get both sides to commit to dialogue, to acknowledge the roots of their grievances, and to begin the long work of reconciliation. For a Gulf state thousands of miles away, this is no small feat.  Or look eastward to South Asia, where decades of hostility between Pakistan and Afghanistan had calcified into something approaching inevitability. Yet here too, Qatar, working with Turkiye, helped shepherd the two nations into agreeing an immediate ceasefire and establishing mechanisms for sustained stability. It is easy to underestimate this achievement, but anyone familiar with the political landscape knows how rare it is for these neighbours to agree on anything at all, let alone steps toward de-escalation.   Then there is Ukraine and Russia, a theatre of conflict where even humanitarian gestures have become political landmines. Qatar, undeterred, facilitated the reunification of children with their families and supported prisoner exchanges, actions that require trust from both sides.  This is the point: Qatar talks to everyone, and everyone talks to Qatar. In a world of splintered alliances, this is a diplomatic superpower.  Critics sometimes see Doha’s foreign policy as ambitious for its size; the reality is far simpler. Qatar has internalised an uncomfortable truth: in today’s world, small states must build their own security. And the most sustainable form of security is not military might. It is relevance. Qatar is relevant because it is useful. It is useful because it lowers temperatures in a region that perpetually runs hot. And it does so consistently enough that even in moments of acute tension such as the September strike it refuses to abandon the moral and strategic logic of mediation.The Gulf needs this steadiness. The wider Middle East needs it even more. And as global crises multiply, the international system may find that Qatar’s brand of diplomacy — patient, principled and unafraid to stand alone — is precisely the kind of quiet power that keeps the world from tearing further apart. 

While Israel’s dastardly attack on the sovereignty of Qatar — an act seen by many as a brazen violation of international norms and an affront to a nation striving, often single-handedly, to avert further bloodshed in the region — it has also served to underscore Qatar’s singular, often perilous role as a bridge-builder in one of the world’s most combustible conflicts.As Qatar continues to mediate between warring parties and push tirelessly for a ceasefire to end the devastating conflict triggered by Israel’s military onslaught, an extraordinary outpouring of solidarity has emerged from across continents. The chorus of support has reflected both condemnation of the Israeli attack and acknowledgement of Qatar’s pivotal diplomatic efforts.Several European nations were quick to offer words of appreciation to Doha, emphasising that the world’s moral obligation is to protect and empower mediators, not punish them.The United Kingdom praised Qatar for “keeping open channels of dialogue when others fall silent,” while France commended its “tireless humanitarian diplomacy in a theatre of unrelenting hostility.” Denmark hailed Qatar’s “indispensable role in facilitating humanitarian access,” and Slovenia called its mediation “a rare light in an otherwise darkened landscape.”This wave of gratitude underscored that Qatar’s efforts are not peripheral, but central to any viable peace process.Beyond appreciation, many states went further to highlight Qatar’s critical importance as a diplomatic fulcrum in the crisis.From the Middle East and North Africa, Algeria, Jordan, Egypt, Kuwait and the UAE, lauded Qatar’s courage in holding together fragile negotiation tracks that have repeatedly teetered on collapse. Greece joined the chorus, calling Qatar “a steadying hand in turbulent waters.”Global heavyweights such as the United States, Russia, China, and South Korea noted that Qatar’s neutral yet engaged posture has allowed it to talk to all sides when few others can.Nations spanning diverse regions — Pakistan (which was one of the countries that convened the UN Security Council emergency session on Friday), Turkiye, Somalia, Panama, Sierra Leone, and Guyana — also underlined that Qatar has become the “indispensable intermediary” in a conflict with worldwide repercussions.Their messages reflected a rare unanimity: that undermining Qatar, especially through acts of aggression on its soil, would imperil any prospect of ending the war.A number of leaders and high-level delegations from the region and other parts of the world descended on Doha following the Israeli attack to express solidarity and support for Qatar. Amongst these included UAE President Sheikh Mohamed bin Zayed al-Nahyan, Pakistan Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif, Crown Prince of Kuwait Sheikh Sabah Khaled al-Hamad al-Sabah, Crown Prince of Jordan Prince Al Hussein bin Abdullah II, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Immigration and Egyptian Expatriates Affairs Dr Badr Abdel Aati.His Highness the Amir also received calls of condemnation of Israeli attack and complete solidarity from dozens of world leaders. Similar calls were also made to Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs HE the Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs Sheikh Mohammed bin Abdulrahman bin Jassim al-Thani by his counterparts, deputy prime ministers and foreign ministers.Meanwhile, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs has announced that Qatar will host a preparatory meeting of foreign ministers for the emergency Arab-Islamic summit tomorrow (Sunday), followed by an emergency Arab-Islamic summit to discuss the Israeli attack on Qatar, from September 14-15 in Doha.HE the Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs Sheikh Mohammed bin Abdulrahman bin Jassim al-Thani told CNN that Qatar hopes there will be a “collective response” from the region to the Israeli attack on Hamas in Doha. “There is a response that will happen from the region. This response is currently under consultation and discussion with other partners in the region,” he stated.

A three-day cybersecurity awareness workshop under the aegis of the National Cyber Security Agency on the premises of Qatar Press Center concluded here with emphasis on essential tools and practices to strengthen digital safety.Cybersecurity trainer Farhan Alsadi guided the participants through real-world solutions. The sessions addressed a range of everyday risks and offered practical measures to counter them.Password Managers: The first line of defenceParticipants were advised to adopt password managers such as LastPass, Bitwarden, or Password1 to generate and securely store complex passwords. Alsadi stressed that reusing the same password across multiple accounts exposes users to cascading risks if one account is compromised. Regular password updates and refraining from sharing credentials were underscored as best practices.Using apps you don’t fully trustThe trainer explained safe ways of using applications that may not be fully reliable. A cautious approach includes separating sensitive information from general use, enabling additional security layers like two-factor authentication (2FA), and when necessary, using tools such as VPNs or encrypted platforms like Signal to reduce exposure.HTTPS vs HTTP: Spotting the differenceAlsadi highlighted the importance of recognising the “s” in https. Websites that use HTTPS ensure encrypted communication, making them significantly safer for transactions or entering personal data, compared to standard HTTP sites which leave data vulnerable to interception.Encryption as a shieldThe workshop also outlined how encryption protects data in transit. Whether through secure communication apps like Signal or email platforms such as Proton Mail, encryption ensures that only intended recipients can access messages and files, safeguarding sensitive exchanges from prying eyes.Securing accounts: Gmail and beyondPractical guidance was given on setting up accounts like Gmail securely. Key steps included:• Creating strong, unique passwords for each account.• Enabling multi-factor authentication (MFA/2FA).• Registering a recovery phone number and alternative recovery email to prevent lockouts.• Keeping software and applications updated to plug potential vulnerabilities.Setting up a Password ManagerAlsadi provided a step-by-step guide for first-time users of password managers. The process begins with choosing a reputable tool, installing it on devices, and creating a master password that is both memorable and secure. From there, the tool generates and autofills complex passwords, reducing reliance on weak or repeated ones.In his concluding remarks, Sadiq Mohammed al-Amari, general manager of the Qatar Press Center, expressed gratitude to trainer Farhan Alsadi and the participants for their active engagement in what he described as a timely and highly relevant workshop on cybersecurity.He underscored that the digital realm is increasingly shaping the trajectory of modern life and the future of societies. In this context, he urged participants to continue investing in expanding their knowledge and skills in cybersecurity, emphasising that strengthening digital awareness is no longer optional but an essential safeguard in today’s interconnected world.The ceremony ended with the media professionals and other attendees being awarded certificates of participation.

The Pakistani community in Qatar has spoken in unison, condemning Israel’s latest attack on their adopted homeland as “patently unjust, unethical and deplorable.” For a diaspora that proudly calls Qatar “our second home,” the assault is not only seen as a violation of sovereignty but as an affront to a nation admired worldwide for its steadfast role as a mediator and voice of reason in one of the world’s most turbulent conflicts. Talking to 'Gulf Times' last night, these community leaders from across business, education, and civic forums rallied in solidarity, pointing to Qatar’s “unwavering moral clarity and compassion” in pursuing dialogue over confrontation.Fawad Rana, Chairman, Pakistan Business CouncilThe Israeli attack is a continuation of its policy of using brutal force instead of dialogue, but in this case it is particularly reprehensible given that Qatar has, in the face of huge odds, continued to mediate in good faith to resolve the conflict. The dastardly attack on a sovereign state that is admired globally for its role as a mediator and facilitator across the board is patently unjust, unethical and deplorable. We stand in complete solidarity with the State of Qatar and its honourable citizens, and believe that eventually, the high moral ground that it always holds, will eventually prevail.Riyaz Ahmed Bakali, Director, The Next Generation SchoolQatar stands out on the world stage for its unwavering dedication to diplomacy, peaceful dialogue, and its significant role as a mediator in international disputes. Qatar, our beloved second home, serves as a haven of safety and security, consistently demonstrating its genuine desire for peace and harmony. As residents of Qatar, we express our strongest condemnation of the Israeli infringement upon Qatar’s sovereignty and territorial integrity. Such actions undermine the principles upon which Qatar was founded and threaten the peace and security that we, as a community, cherish.Mohsin Mujtaba, Director, Product and Market Development, Qatar Stock ExchangeQatar has been our home for 22 years. What has kept us rooted here is our heartfelt conviction that Qatar stands with courage and dignity on the right side of history. Living here, we have been privileged to witness its unwavering moral clarity and compassion. The recent attacks, including yesterday’s, are a blatant violation of its sovereignty, targeting its principled stance on the two-state solution and its tireless efforts to secure a ceasefire through mediation and dialogue. But I’m confident history will honour Qatar, and we will remember this.Anwar Ali Rana, Chairman, Sohni DhartiAs a representative of the Pakistani community forum in Qatar, I strongly condemn the Israeli attack on Qatar, which is a clear violation of its sovereignty and international law. This act of aggression threatens peace and security, but we resolutely stand behind a country that has warmly welcomed and supported our community. The Pakistani diaspora stands in full solidarity with Qatar’s leadership and people, reaffirming their commitment to the nation’s safety, stability, and dignity. Such cowardly attacks only strengthens our resolve to support Qatar in its pursuit of justice and peace.Haroon Qureshi, Editor-in-Chief, Rahbar Kisan InternationalThe world has long admired Qatar’s foreign policy, built on friendship and peace for all nations. Yet Israel’s strike — carried out under the pretext of targeting Hamas inside Qatar — shocked everyone, and in reality, it must be seen as an attack on Qatar itself. Striking civilian areas and innocent people has always been Israel’s calling, and this latest act is nothing short of criminal, deserving the strongest condemnation. I pray that God keeps Qatar as a beacon of peace in the world, gives it the strength to stand firm against fascist regimes like Israel, and continues to protect and support this nation.

Journalists and media professionals in Qatar are well advised to strengthen their digital safety practices in the face of increasingly sophisticated cyber threats. This was emphasised during the second day of Cybersecurity Awareness Workshop conducted by cybersecurity trainer Farhan Alsadi, who cautioned that the stakes have never been higher for those working in sectors such as the media. The session organised at the Qatar Press Center referred to Qatar’s Personal Data Protection Act (Law no. 13 of 2016), highlighting the need to safeguard personal information and protect press freedom. The law, enacted in 2016, gives individuals the right to control their data, obliges organisations to adopt strong security measures, and promotes transparency in data usage. Alsadi noted that journalists are at particular risk because of their access to sensitive sources and sensitive information. He cautioned participants against complacency, stressing that cybercriminals increasingly view the media as a prime target. “Journalists are not just reporting the story anymore — they are part of it,” Alsadi said. “Protecting your data means protecting your sources and, ultimately, your credibility.” The Pegasus case Attention was drawn to the infamous Pegasus spyware case, which exposed the extent of modern surveillance risks. Pegasus, developed by Israel’s NSO Group, can infiltrate smartphones without any action from the user — so-called “zero-click” attacks. Once inside, it grants full access to calls, messages, photos, contacts, and even the ability to activate cameras and microphones remotely. In 2020, the spyware was used to infiltrate the phones of 36 Al Jazeera journalists, enabling attackers to monitor private conversations and track their movements. The revelations were part of the Pegasus Project, a global investigation that found more than 50,000 potential targets, including journalists, activists, lawyers, and heads of state. International watchdogs condemned the misuse of such tools, warning that surveillance of journalists undermines democracy and press freedom. Understanding the threat landscape The workshop outlined the most common cyber risks facing media professionals today: • Spyware, like Pegasus, that secretly takes over devices. • Phishing attacks, which use fake emails or text messages to trick users into sharing passwords or clicking malicious links. • Malware, often embedded in files or downloads, capable of crippling networks. Alsadi said that while these threats are invisible, their consequences are real, ranging from data theft and reputational damage to risks against personal safety. To counter these dangers, Alsadi provided participants with a set of practical and actionable steps: • Use strong, unique passwords of at least 12 characters, mixing numbers, symbols, and upper- and lowercase letters. Store them in trusted password managers such as LastPass or Bitwarden. • Enable two-factor authentication (2FA) or multi-factor authentication for all accounts. Where possible, opt for more advanced options like cryptographic passkeys. • Regularly update devices and software to patch vulnerabilities that spyware exploits. • Encrypt communications by using secure platforms such as Proton Mail for email and Signal for messaging. • Avoid public Wi-Fi unless connected through a Virtual Private Network (VPN). VPNs encrypt traffic and mask IP addresses, reducing exposure to interception. • Be wary of phishing: never click on suspicious links or attachments, even if they appear to come from trusted contacts. • Scan devices regularly with security tools such as Amnesty International’s Mobile Verification Toolkit (MVT) to detect traces of spyware. • Back up data securely, ideally in encrypted formats, to allow recovery in the event of ransomware or breaches. Beyond technology, Alsadi emphasised the human factor in cybersecurity. Awareness training, phishing simulations, and vigilance at the individual level, he said, remain the most effective first line of defence. “Attackers often exploit human weakness, not just software vulnerabilities,” he said, urging media organisations to build a culture of cyber resilience where every staff member recognises their role in digital safety.

Rising from the historic heart of Uzbekistan’s capital, where the domes of the Hastimam complex cast their shadows across centuries, the new Center for Islamic Civilization seeks to bridge the past and present.Conceived on the initiative of President Shavkat Mirziyoyev, the vast cultural and research institution is designed not merely as a museum or archive, but as a statement: that Islam’s legacy in science, art and philosophy must be reclaimed and retold at a time of rising global polarisation.Graceful domes, Timur-era motifs and cutting-edge design converge in the Center’s striking architecture, but its mission reaches far beyond brick and mosaic. With a thousand rare manuscripts and artefacts being repatriated, a Qur’an Hall built around Caliph Uthman’s revered manuscript, and galleries devoted to education and enlightenment, the project aims to reframe perceptions of Islam and to position Uzbekistan at the crossroads of cultural dialogue once more.For Firdavs Abdukhalikov, the Center’s general director, this endeavour is nothing less than “restoring historical justice” — returning lost treasures, rekindling intellectual traditions and offering young Uzbeks a bulwark against extremism through knowledge, critical inquiry and cultural pride.In an exclusive interview with Gulf Times, Abdukhalikov spoke on a host of related aspects for an insight into the marvel that will be the Center. Excerpts:For what was the Center for Islamic Civilization created and why is this the right moment to launch it?The Center for Islamic Civilization was created to honour and revive the outstanding contribution of scientists of Transoxiana, a historical region covering the territory of modern Uzbekistan, to the development of medicine, mathematics, astronomy, philosophy, architecture and art. It has been inspired by the initiative of the President of the Republic of Uzbekistan, Shavkat Mirziyoyev, who in 2017 at the UN General Assembly emphasised the humanistic essence of Islam and the huge contribution Central Asia has had in the development of worldwide civilisation.Very soon the Center for Islamic Civilization will open its doors as a symbol of the New Uzbekistan, a country that attaches special importance to education, inter-civilisational dialogue and enlightenment.What is the vision and mission of the Center?The vision of the Center is to become one of the largest international scientific and cultural centres of Islamic civilization and intercultural dialogue, focused on preserving historical heritage, promoting knowledge and educating future generations.Its mission is to preserve, study and popularise the rich intellectual and spiritual heritage of the region, asserting the humanistic values of Islam: peace, the pursuit of knowledge, tolerance and progress. Particular attention in the Center is paid to the return of spiritual and cultural values lost in different eras.Thanks to the personal initiative and determination of President Mirziyoyev, a large-scale programme was launched to return ancient manuscripts, artefacts and objects of Islamic heritage that are directly related to the history and culture of Uzbekistan. As part of this programme, representatives of the country took part in prestigious art sales at the international auction houses Christie’s and Sotheby’s, while separately holding complex and delicate negotiations with private collectors and antique dealers.As a result of this initiative, inspired by the desire to preserve national memory, a unique collection is returning to its homeland — about a thousand of the rarest exhibits, including ancient manuscripts, works of art, household items and ritual objects.All of them will take their rightful place in the exhibitions, symbolising the restoration of historical justice and the cultural sovereignty of the country.How did the traditional Uzbek aesthetics of the madrasa and modern design elements influence the architecture of the Center, and what does this combination symbolise?The Center for Islamic Civilization was built not just as an architectural structure, but as a symbol of the deep connection between times, culture and spirituality. The traditions of the great era of the Timurids come to life — the time when Uzbekistan became the heart of world science, enlightenment and art. Graceful domes, majestic arches and the finest mosaics of the Center refer to the spiritual and intellectual peaks for which architects and scientists of that era were famous. The entrance portal of the Center is stylised in the architecture of Ulugbek Madrasa, the first higher education complex in the East, symbolising the continuity of the Uzbek scientific and spiritual tradition.The location of the Center is of particular importance. It is deeply thought out and symbolic. It rises at a unique point in Tashkent, where two worlds converge: on the one hand, the Hastimam ensemble, the sacred heart of ancient Tashkent, which preserves the spiritual heritage of Islamic civilisation, including the mausoleum of Abu Bakr Kaffal Shosha and unique Qur’anic manuscripts; and on the other hand, the silhouette of New Uzbekistan, rapidly developing, modern, and open to the world.Thus, the very appearance and location of the Center embody the dialogue of eras: from sacred historic sources to the future, from tradition to innovation, from spiritual memory to new horizons of knowledge. The idea to create such a Center belongs to the President of the Republic of Uzbekistan — it was born as an expression of the deep will to preserve, comprehend and pass on to the world the unique heritage of the Uzbek people, which has become part of the civilization of the entire planet.How will the Center rethink the global perception of Islam as a religion of peace and enlightenment, and why is this necessary today?By emphasising the historical role of Islam in the development of science, philosophy and the arts, the Center will challenge the stereotypes that associate Islam with conflict. We will promote the narrative of Islam as a driver of enlightenment and innovation, which is crucial in times of growing polarisation and misinformation about religion. What we are aiming for will not necessarily happen overnight, but it is our bold and ambitious goal.What role will the Samarkand Kufic Qur’an play in the mission of the Center?In the Qur’an Hall, a special place will be given to the Qur’an of Caliph Uthman — one of the oldest and most revered manuscripts of the Islamic world. This shrine has a special significance not only for Muslims, but for all mankind as a monument of spirituality and written culture.It will be surrounded by a unique exposition consisting of 114 Holy Qur’ans, symbolising the 114 surahs (chapters) of the Great Qur’an. These manuscripts are directly related to the cultural and spiritual heritage of Uzbekistan. They cover different historical epochs — from the Abbasids, Samanids, Qarakhanids, Timurids, Baburids to the times of the late Khanates.Each of the Qur’ans presented is not just a book, but a real artistic and spiritual masterpiece, reflecting the high development of calligraphy, book art and spiritual culture of its time. This exhibition vividly demonstrates the important role Uzbekistan has played over the centuries in the preservation and transmission of Islamic knowledge and spirituality.How will the Center’s museum, with its five thematic galleries and monumental fresco, create a unique experience for visitors?The museum was designed to take visitors on a journey through time: from pre-Islamic Central Asia to the Third Renaissance, i.e. to the present day. Each gallery immerses visitors in a corresponding atmosphere with the help of multimedia, artefacts and interactive displays. The central hall with the Qur’an of Uthman is surrounded by galleries on science, education, art and architecture, culminating in a contemporary vision of our New Uzbekistan.What strategies will the Center use to engage youth and local communities in Tashkent to become a vibrant cultural center?Education is the central pillar of the Center — to educate, inform and inspire current and future generations. Initiatives include, for example, the creation of a Children’s Museum. Its ideas will be communicated to our entire community through school partnerships, creative workshops, interactive digital content and youth-focused manuscript restoration labs. They will be complemented by public lectures, social events and cultural programmes that are designed to make the Center a daily part of life in our capital and beyond.How will the Center fight extremism and what effect do you hope to achieve through your educational and cultural programmes?By promoting critical thinking, historical literacy and the humanistic roots of Islam, the Center will directly confront contemporary ideologies that are based on ignorance and separatism. This is not the way of Islam. The emphasis on enlightenment over dogma, and on the truth of history over distortion, are aimed at instilling in young minds a guaranteed protection against destructive radicalism.How will the Center be financed in the long term — through state support, private sponsorship or other means — and what challenges do you foresee?Initial funding for the establishment of the Center has been provided by the State, with continued support from the government, philanthropic foundations, international partnerships and expected museum revenues. Challenges include maintaining international collaboration and increasing private sector support without compromising the academic independence of the Center.What are your plans for exhibitions after the opening and what major event do you see as the next milestone?Modern cultural projects are increasingly using interactive and mobile formats, and we plan to actively use this potential not only within the framework of exhibitions, but also in educational and awareness-raising activities. Particular attention will be paid to digital solutions — virtual expositions, multimedia platforms, online courses and applications that allow us to involve a wide audience, primarily targeting young people. After all, Uzbekistan is a country of young people, which means that it is our main country. The audience is precisely the younger generation, which will not only preserve, but also develop the rich cultural heritage of our country.

The Pakistani embassy hosted a grand reception to mark Pakistan Day — a celebration rich with history, pride, and diplomatic warmth. More than 700 guests filled the grand ballroom, a vibrant tapestry of cultures and communities brought together to honour Pakistan’s journey and its bonds with Qatar.Among them were Qatari dignitaries, senior officials, ambassadors, members of the diplomatic corps, influential business figures, and members of the Pakistani community.The evening unfolded with elegance and purpose. The gathering was graced by the presence of notable figures, including HE Dr Abdullah bin Abdulaziz bin Turki al-Subaie, Minister of Environment and Climate Change; HE Ahmed bin Mohammed al-Sayed, Minister of State for Foreign Trade Affairs; and Ibrahim Yousuf Fakhro, Director of Protocol at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.As the national anthems of Pakistan and Qatar resonated through the hall, the atmosphere turned reverent. Muhammad Aamer, Pakistan’s ambassador to Qatar, took to the podium, extending a heartfelt welcome.His speech, both reflective and forward-looking, brought to life the legacy of Pakistan Day — a commemoration of the 1940 Lahore Resolution, a turning point that ultimately led to Pakistan’s independence in 1947.He spoke of resilience and unity, of sacrifices made and dreams realised, painting a portrait of a nation continually striving for progress.The ambassador also celebrated the enduring relationship between Pakistan and Qatar established in 1972 and growing ever stronger. He highlighted the recent visit of Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif to Qatar last October, a key moment that expanded bilateral co-operation across trade, defence, education and technology.One of the evening’s most cherished highlights was the mention of the ‘Manzar: Art and Architecture from Pakistan 1940 to Present Day’ exhibition at the National Museum of Qatar. The exhibition, a result of close cultural collaboration, was brought to life under the patronage of HE Sheikha Al Mayassa bint Hamad bin Khalifa al-Thani.In recognition of her pivotal role, she was honoured by the government of Pakistan with the Hilal-e-Pakistan — a symbol of gratitude and admiration.The ambassador concluded by reaffirming Pakistan’s principled support for the Palestinian and Kashmiri peoples, urging international unity in the face of injustice.He paid glowing tribute to the nearly 300,000 Pakistanis contributing to Qatar’s development across diverse sectors, including healthcare, education, finance and construction. The evening stood as a powerful testament to friendship, solidarity, and shared aspirations — a celebration not just of Pakistan’s past, but of a future shaped together with Qatar.

SAMARKAND: Silk Road Samarkand, Central Asia’s largest tourist complex, has unveiled its latest attraction – Waterland, a sprawling family-friendly aqua park designed to offer an exhilarating experience for visitors of all ages.Inaugurated recently by Rustam Kobilov, the deputy governor of the Samarkand region for tourism, culture, cultural heritage and mass communications, the park promises to be a highlight for locals and tourists.Covering 11,536sq m, Waterland features 18 water slides and various attractions.It includes a food court and a children’s play area, ensuring a full day of fun for families.Admission is free for guests staying at any of the eight hotels within the complex, while local families can access the park at discounted rates, with free entry for children under six and half-price tickets for those aged 7-16.Silk Road Samarkand spans 260 hectares on the outskirts of Samarkand, a city dating back to 800 BCE.The resort, built around the Republican Rowing Canal, opened two years ago and has quickly become a major tourism hub.It boasts eight luxury hotels with nearly 1,200 rooms, as well as an international congress centre, a 4,000sq m expo centre, sports arenas, and parks.Visitors can choose from over 30 dining options, including restaurants and cafes, making it a destination for both leisure and business travellers.The resort continues to grow in its second year, adding new facilities and services.Hilton Hotels & Resorts has rebranded three of its hotels at the complex: Hilton Samarkand Regency, Hilton Garden Inn Samarkand Afrosiyob, and Hilton Garden Inn Samarkand Sogd.Additional international hotel groups are expected to establish a presence in the future.Other recent additions to Silk Road Samarkand include:• New dining options, from casual cafes to formal restaurants, along with banqueting spaces for up to 500 guests.• Craft workshops and shops, offering traditional handmade items like ceramics, jewellery, and oriental sweets produced by a local family business.• The Qur’an Museum, housing Qur’an manuscripts and significant Islamic literature from around the world.• A 300m karting track, available to enthusiasts aged 14 and over.• Expanded playgrounds, with new rides located near the Amphitheatre area for younger visitors.Silk Road Samarkand has already hosted over two dozen international events.Notable gatherings include the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD) annual meeting, a round of the World Triathlon Championship Series, and the General Assembly of the World Tourism Organisation (UNWTO).This summer, the Federation Internationale de l’Automobile (FIA) held its 120th Anniversary Conference at the complex, further elevating the resort’s global profile.Silk Road Samarkand is part of Uzbekistan’s larger tourism strategy, with the country expecting 10mn tourists by 2024.Projects like this are designed to preserve Samarkand’s cultural heritage while enhancing its modern tourism infrastructure.A key component of this strategy is the newly upgraded Samarkand International Airport, now connected to numerous international flights across Central and Southeast Asia, the Middle East, and Europe, making the region more accessible to global travellers.Silk Road Samarkand is poised to become a premier destination, blending modern attractions with the deep cultural history of Samarkand.

Samarkand (Uzbekistan): Silk Road Samarkand, Central Asia’s largest tourist complex, has unveiled its latest attraction – Waterland, a sprawling family-friendly aqua park designed to offer an exhilarating experience for visitors of all ages. Inaugurated recently by Rustam Kobilov, the Deputy Governor of the Samarkand Region for Tourism, Culture, Cultural Heritage, and Mass Communications, the park promises to be a highlight for both locals and tourists. Covering 11,536 square meters, Waterland features 18 water slides and various attractions. It also includes a food court and a children's play area, ensuring a full day of fun for families. Admission is free for guests staying at any of the eight hotels within the complex, while local families can access the park at discounted rates, with free entry for children under six and half-price tickets for those aged 7-16. Silk Road Samarkand spans 260 hectares on the outskirts of Samarkand, a city dating back to 8,000 BC. The resort, built around the Republican Rowing Canal, opened two years ago and has quickly become a major tourism hub. It boasts eight luxury hotels with nearly 1,200 rooms, as well as an international congress centre, a 4,000-square-metre expo centre, sports arenas, and parks. Visitors can choose from over 30 dining options, including restaurants, cafes, and nightclubs, making it a destination for both leisure and business travelers. The resort continues to grow in its second year, adding new facilities and services. Hilton Hotels & Resorts has rebranded three of its hotels at the complex: Hilton Samarkand Regency, Hilton Garden Inn Samarkand Afrosiyob, and Hilton Garden Inn Samarkand Sogd. Additional international hotel groups are expected to establish a presence in the future. Other recent additions to Silk Road Samarkand include: • New dining options, from casual cafes to formal restaurants, along with banqueting spaces for up to 500 guests. • Craft workshops and shops, offering traditional handmade items like ceramics, jewelry, and oriental sweets produced by a local family business. • The Koran Museum, housing Koran manuscripts and significant Islamic literature from around the world. • A 300-meter karting track, available to enthusiasts aged 14 and over. • Expanded playgrounds, with new rides located near the Amphitheatre area for younger visitors. Silk Road Samarkand has already hosted over two dozen international events. Notable gatherings include the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD) annual meeting, a round of the World Triathlon Championship Series, and the General Assembly of the World Tourism Organisation (UNWTO). This summer, the Fédération Internationale de l'Automobile (FIA) held its 120th Anniversary Conference at the complex, further elevating the resort’s global profile. Silk Road Samarkand is part of Uzbekistan’s larger tourism strategy, with the country expecting 10mn tourists by 2024. Projects like this are designed to preserve Samarkand’s rich cultural heritage while enhancing its modern tourism infrastructure. A key component of this strategy is the newly upgraded Samarkand International Airport, now connected to numerous international flights across Central and Southeast Asia, the Middle East, and Europe, making the region more accessible to global travelers. Silk Road Samarkand is poised to become a premier destination, blending modern attractions with the deep cultural history of Samarkand.