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Maduro's rule marked by economic collapse and social crisesUS military build-up and sanctions pressured Maduro's governmentMaduro denied rights abuses, blamed US for economic woesMaduro, a one-time bus driver, took office after Hugo Chavez died in 2013 Nicolas Maduro ruled Venezuela with a heavy hand for more than 12 years, presiding over deep economic and social crises and resisting pressure from domestic opponents and foreign governments for political change. His rule abruptly ‌ended on Saturday when President Donald Trump announced US forces had captured him and flown him out of the country.A 63-year-old ‌socialist and the handpicked successor of the late Hugo ‍Chavez, Maduro was long accused by critics both at home and abroad of being a dictator who jailed or persecuted political opponents and repeatedly staged sham elections. Maduro, a salsa aficionado with a ⁠flair for theatrics, often called opposition politicians "fascist demons" and took ⁠pride in resisting US pressure against him, even having his invocation to Trump of "yes peace, not war" remixed into an electronica song. He was sworn in for a ‍third term in January 2025 following a 2024 election that was widely condemned as fraudulent by international observers and the opposition. Thousands of people who protested against the government's declaration of victory were jailed.Venezuela's opposition, the United States and many other Western countries also considered Maduro's election win in 2018 to be a sham. His government's repressive measures were highlighted by the awarding of the 2025 Nobel Peace Prize to opposition leader Maria Corina Machado.After Trump announced last October that he was authorizing CIA operations in the country, Maduro blasted "those demonic powers that aim to sink their claws into Venezuela to steal our oil." Maduro has long denied US accusations of connections to drug smuggling and corruption.In August, Washington doubled its reward for Maduro's ‌arrest to $50mn over allegations of drug trafficking and links to criminal groups. Trump ratcheted up the pressure in recent months with a huge build-up of the US military in the southern Caribbean, more than two dozen strikes on vessels allegedly involved in trafficking drugs in the Pacific Ocean and Caribbean Sea, and a ramping up of sanctions.A UN Fact-Finding Mission found ⁠last month that the country's Bolivarian ‌National Guard (GNB) committed serious human rights violations and crimes against humanity over more than a decade in targeting political opponents.Maduro long denied abusing political and human rights, instead describing his government as being at odds with what he views as a decades-long imperialist campaign to topple Chavez's socialist movement and take Venezuela's oil.He and his government called sanctions by the US and others illegitimate measures that amounted to an "economic war" designed to cripple the country. His supporters hailed him as a hero who stood up to Washington in the tradition of Cuba's Fidel Castro.Protesters led months of demonstrations in 2017 against Maduro's government, a period marked by accusations of torture, arbitrary arrests and abuse by security forces. Those protests left 125 people dead. Dozens more died during protests after Maduro's inauguration to his second term in 2019. After the 2024 election, the UN found that Maduro's government escalated repressive tactics to crush peaceful protests, with over two dozen dead and 2,400 arrests.Maduro's rule was marked by an extended economic collapse in the once relatively affluent nation that prompted an exodus of some 7.7mn migrants. Almost 82% of Venezuelans live in poverty, ​with 53% in extreme poverty, unable to buy even basic ‌foodstuffs, a UN special rapporteur said in 2024 after visiting the country.Maduro was born into a working-class family on November 23, 1962, son of a trade union leader. He worked as ⁠a bus driver during the time army officer Chavez led a ‍failed coup attempt in 1992. He agitated for Chavez to be released from prison and backed his fervent leftist agenda in an era when socialism was well out of favour.After Chavez's 1998 election, Maduro won a seat in the legislature and spent years championing his mentor's self-styled revolution against US intervention in Latin America.Adversaries took swipes at Maduro's working-class roots and portrayed him as a buffoonish cretin who did little more than slavishly repeat Chavez's bombast.But the criticism made little dent in his meteoric rise: he became president of the National Assembly and later foreign minister. In that role he crisscrossed the globe to help build alliances ​with other developing countries through oil-financed assistance programs.Maduro was narrowly elected president after Chavez died from cancer in 2013. But there was a gaping chasm between his own appeal and the legendary charisma of his predecessor. His rule was quickly plagued by bread lines and product shortages that smacked of Soviet-era collapse, largely due to his unwillingness to unwind lavish Chavez-era subsidies that were unsustainable after the oil boom came to an end.As inflation soared in 2013, Maduro sent troops to occupy shops that sold home appliances and forced them to sell off their wares at fire-sale prices, helping fuel his popularity in the run-up to a nationwide election for mayors. In 2018, militants attempted to assassinate him by sending explosives-laden drones over the top of a rally he was addressing on a Caracas avenue, leading him to reduce his spontaneous public appearances and limit live broadcasts of public events.Throughout his career, Maduro was often ⁠flanked by his wife, Cilia Flores, who held numerous high-ranking positions, including attorney general and chief of parliament, and was often seen as a power broker with as much influence as her spouse.Trump said on Saturday Flores was also captured and flown out of the country. 

Myanmar heads to the polls today as it battles a civil war that has ravaged parts of the country as well as one of Asia's worst humanitarian crises.Already one of Southeast Asia's poorest countries, Myanmar has been hammered by a conflict triggered by a 2021 coup in which the military ousted an elected civilian government led by Nobel Peace Prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi.Myanmar's ⁠humanitarian crisis is one of the ⁠most severe in Asia, driven by the intensifying civil war and repeated natural disasters, including a massive earthquake in March.The ruling junta has previously suppressed information about a severe food crisis gripping the country by pressuring researchers not to collect data about hunger and aid workers not to publish it, Reuters has reported, besides cracking down on journalists since the coup.Myanmar is one of the world's most under-funded aid operations, with only 12% of required funds received, the United Nations says.US cuts to humanitarian aid are having a crushing impact on people, the UN special rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar has said.The UN estimates that 20mn of Myanmar's 51mn people need aid as soaring ⁠inflation and a plunging currency push about half the population below the poverty line.More than 3.6mn people have been displaced from their homes, with over 6,800 civilians killed in the conflict triggered by the coup, according to UN estimates.With mounting violence forcing increasing numbers of people to flee, more than 12mn in Myanmar will face acute hunger next year, including 1mn who will need lifesaving support, according to the UN's World Food Programme (WFP).More than 16mn people across Myanmar are acutely food insecure, meaning that their lack of food threatens lives and livelihoods, the WFP estimates.They are the fifth-largest group needing aid anywhere in the world, making Myanmar "a hunger hotspot of very high concern", the agency said.More than 540,000 children across the country are expected to suffer this year from acute ⁠malnutrition – life-threatening wasting that can have severe and lifelong effects – a 26% increase from last year, the WFP said.One in three children under the age of five is already suffering from stunted growth, according to the WFP.Myanmar's economy – once deemed as one of the region's most promising – has struggled in recent years, reeling from the civil war, natural disasters and mismanagement.However, despite the challenges, Myanmar's economy is showing some signs of improvement and its GDP growth is estimated to rebound to 3% in the next fiscal year, the World Bank said this month.The projected growth is driven by post-earthquake reconstruction and continued targeted assistance for the hardest-hit areas, although inflation is expected to remain above 20%.With electricity supply deteriorating, exposing millions of people to chronic blackouts, households and businesses are increasingly embracing solar energy for reliable power.Russia, which has been building ties with the junta, signed an investment agreement ⁠with Myanmar in June that it said could open up new opportunities for Russian energy companies in the south Asian country. 

Sudan's army said Tuesday it repelled a paramilitary assault on a key southern city, as Washington urged both sides to accept a ceasefire proposal aimed at stemming one of the world's worst humanitarian crises.Since April 2023, the army and the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces have been locked in a brutal conflict that has killed tens of thousands of people and displaced nearly 12mn.Speaking in Abu Dhabi Tuesday, US Africa envoy Massad Boulos said neither of Sudan's warring parties have accepted a new truce proposal from the Quad group that includes the US, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and Egypt."We appeal to both sides to accept the humanitarian truce as presented without preconditions," the US envoy said.His remarks came hours after RSF commander Mohamed Hamdan Daglo declared a unilateral three-month truce, before the army reported his fighters subsequently attacking a key base in the country's south.Recent days have seen renewed diplomatic activity after US President Donald Trump said last week he would move to help end the war, following discussions with Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman during a visit to Washington.The Sudanese army Tuesday said it repelled an RSF assault on its infantry base in the strategic West Kordofan town of Babanusa, its last major stronghold in the region.Babanusa lies on a vital transport corridor linking the capital Khartoum through the Kordofan region to Darfur, where the army last month lost El-Fasher — its last stronghold in the western region.Over two years of conflict, both sides have repeatedly violated every ceasefire agreement. Diplomatic efforts to halt the fighting have failed to make any breakthrough.A US-backed plan put forward on behalf of the Quad in September called for a three-month humanitarian truce, followed by a permanent ceasefire and a nine-month transition to civilian-led governance.The army rejected the proposal, which also hinted at excluding both the army and the RSF from Sudan's post-war political roadmap.Burhan this week said he had dismissed a plan put forth by Boulos this month as "the worst yet", accusing him of parroting the UAE's talking points.Boulos Tuesday spoke alongside UAE presidential adviser Anwar Gargash, whose country has repeatedly denied widespread reports that it arms the RSF.Boulos rejected Burhan's accusations of bias."He was making reference to something that does not exist, that has never been presented by us. So we have no idea what he is talking about," the US envoy said."We have to overlook those comments and remarks and focus on the heart of the matter which is the humanitarian crisis," he added.

Qatar Press Center (QPC) continues its "Journalists at the centre of crises" series, which highlights the pivotal role of journalism in covering wars, disasters, and humanitarian crises around the world. The series documents the exceptional efforts of journalists and media professionals to convey the truth to the world, despite limited resources and information, and to give voice to victims at a time when truth is often the first casualty of conflict.In this episode, we explore the stories of journalists who sacrificed their lives to bring the truth to the world, disregarding threats and the deliberate targeting of journalists in war and conflict zones. They transformed from witnesses to truth into martyrs and role models for future generations of journalists and media professionals, exemplifying courage, bravery, and unwavering commitment to the principles of journalism and media. The killing of journalists means more than just the loss of individuals; it represents a loss to human memory and the people's right to knowledge. This makes protecting journalism a priority in an era of relentless wars that spare neither the young nor the old, nor any innocent person.Ali Hassan al-Jaber was a prominent Qatari journalist and cameraman who served as the director of photography at Al Jazeera. On March 12, 2011, while covering the Libyan revolution in Benghazi, his vehicle was ambushed by unknown gunmen who opened fire on him as he returned from a field assignment. He was killed, and his colleague was wounded. The last images captured by Al-Jaber's camera were of the tomb of Libyan martyr Omar al-Mukhtar in the town of Suluq, southwest of Benghazi. His death was the first death of an Al Jazeera correspondent during the Libyan conflict, sparking a wave of international condemnation and repeated calls for the protection of journalists in war zones.Brent Anthony Reno, the American journalist and documentary filmmaker, was not merely a reporter of events; he was part of them, moving with his camera to the front lines without ever compromising his moral and humanitarian principles. On March 13, 2022, while covering the refugee crisis caused by the Russian invasion of Ukraine, Reno was shot and killed by a Russian sniper while crossing an area near Irpin, northwest of Kyiv, a location that was supposed to be a safe passage for civilians.Pierre Zakrzewski, known as "Zak," was a veteran French-Irish photojournalist based in London. He was best known for his work with Fox News, covering armed conflicts in Iraq, Afghanistan, and Syria. On March 14, 2022, while covering the Russian invasion of Ukraine, he and his colleague Benjamin Hall were in a vehicle near Kyiv when it came under Russian artillery fire. Zakrzewski was killed instantly, while Hall was seriously injured and taken to hospital. Following his death, the joint investigation by France, Ireland, and Ukraine led to the case being referred to the International Criminal Court.

Having adopted one major piece of digital-currency legislation (the GENIUS Act) and with more pending (the CLARITY Act has passed the House of Representatives), the US is poised to become a major hub for cryptocurrency-related activities, or even – taking President Donald Trump literally – the “crypto capital of the world.” But those who support the new legislation should be careful what they wish for.Unfortunately, the crypto industry has acquired so much political power – primarily through political donations – that the GENIUS Act and the CLARITY Act have been designed to prevent reasonable regulation. The result will most likely be a boom-bust cycle of epic proportions.Historically, US financial markets’ major advantage compared to other countries has been relatively greater transparency, which enables investors to gain a deeper understanding of risks and make better-informed decisions. The US also has strict rules against conflicts of interest, requirements to treat investors fairly (including by protecting their assets in proper custody arrangements), and limits on how much risk many financial firms can take.This framework is not an accident or something that emerged purely through market competition. Rather, it is the result of sensible laws and regulations that were created during the 1930s (after a major disaster) and that have evolved in a reasonable fashion since then. These rules are the major reason why it is so easy in the US to do business, to bring new ideas to market, and to raise capital to support innovation of all kinds.Any individual entrepreneur or even a potential new industry (such as crypto) may balk at these rules, claiming that they are different from anything the world has ever seen. But financial innovation involves risks for the entire financial system, not just for individual investors. The point of regulation is to protect the whole.Many major economies – including the US – learned this the hard way. Over the past 200 years, they have experienced severe financial disruptions and even systemic meltdowns. One such collapse was a major contributor to the Great Depression, which began with a stock-market crash in 1929 and spilled over to bring down many banks (and other investments), destroying millions of Americans’ wealth and dreams. Avoiding a repeat of that experience has long been an important policy goal.But the GENIUS Act does not advance this goal. The law creates a framework for stablecoins, an important emerging digital asset, issued by US and foreign firms, that purports to maintain a stable value against a particular currency or commodity, with the US dollar being the most popular anchor. Stablecoins are useful to investors active in cryptocurrency trading, enabling them to move into and out of particular crypto assets without having to navigate the traditional (non-crypto) financial system. We should expect significant demand, including from non-financial firms (such as Walmart and Amazon) seeking to bypass established payment systems.The business model of stablecoin issuers is to capture the spread between what they pay on their currencies (which is zero interest under this legislation) and what they can receive when they invest their reserves, just like a bank. All the incentives for stablecoin issuers are to invest at least some of their reserves in riskier assets to get higher returns. This will be a major source of vulnerability, particularly when issuers are licensed by permissive state authorities.Indeed, from a systemic perspective, the GENIUS Act’s main shortcoming is its failure to deal effectively with the inherent risk of stablecoin runs, because it prevents regulators from prescribing strong capital, liquidity, and other safeguards. And when any stablecoin issuer – domestic or foreign – gets into trouble, who will step in, and with what authority, to prevent the problems from spreading to the real economy, like in the 1930s?Simply applying the bankruptcy code to failed stablecoin issuers will inevitably impose severe costs on investors, including prolonged delays in receiving what’s left of their money. It will almost certainly exacerbate runs on other stablecoin issuers.Moreover, if the GENIUS Act’s goals include preserving the US dollar as the world’s reserve currency and boosting demand for Treasuries (as stated by its advocates), why does Section 15 of the law allow foreign issuers to invest their reserves in assets such as their own country’s (risky) government debt, even if that debt is not denominated in dollars? We should expect foreign regulators to condone or even favor such arrangements. But then we will have “stablecoins” with fixed dollar obligations, backed in significant part by non-dollar assets – and one can easily imagine what a big appreciation in the value of the dollar will do to such arrangements (spoiler alert: immediate liquidity problems, insolvency fears, and destabilising runs).There is a lot more trouble to come, particularly if any version of the CLARITY Act passes the Senate. This legislation would allow conflicts of interest and self-dealing on a scale not allowed since the 1920s. There are also major national security concerns, to the extent that both the GENIUS Act and the CLARITY bill allow or even facilitate the continued use of stablecoins (and crypto more broadly) in illicit financial transactions.The US may well become the crypto capital of the world and, under its emerging legislative framework, a few rich people will surely get richer. But in its eagerness to do the crypto industry’s bidding, Congress has exposed Americans and the world to the real possibility of the return of financial panics and severe economic damage, implying massive job losses and wealth destruction. – Project Syndicate*Simon Johnson, a 2024 Nobel laureate in economics and a former chief economist at the International Monetary Fund, is a professor at the MIT Sloan School of Management and the co-author (with Daron Acemoglu) of Power and Progress: Our Thousand-Year Struggle Over Technology and Prosperity (PublicAffairs, 2023).